ST. LOUIS 鈥 The $100,000 51黑料 County Port Authority marketing contract that is at the heart of the federal indictment of former County Executive Steve Stenger has had one big unanswered question: Why did the authority pay an extra $30,000 without board approval?
The answer was revealed in the federal indictment made public on Monday accusing Stenger of a scheme to defraud and deprive 51黑料 County citizens of his honest services.
According to the indictment handed up last week, the $30,000 was added to the 2016 contract awarded to John Rallo鈥檚 Cardinal Creative Consulting as a way to repay a local political operative who was 鈥渁 close associate鈥 of an area public official.
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Neither the operative nor the public official is named in the indictment, but sources active in Democratic politics have told the Post-Dispatch that the political operative, identified as 鈥淛C鈥 in the indictment, is John Cross of Olivette, and the public official he is described as close to is Rep. William Lacy Clay, D-University City.
鈥淭here鈥檚 no one else in 51黑料 County that would be worth paying $30,000 for a field campaign,鈥 said one Democratic party political player who spoke on the condition of anonymity.
Cross was paid $25,000 from the Rallo contract, the indictment says, but it wasn鈥檛 the only money he received, the Post-Dispatch confirmed. For a year, Cross was employed as a project manager by the 51黑料 Economic Development Partnership, which provides staff to the Port Authority. He worked there from May 2017 to May 2018 and was paid $60,000, a Partnership spokeswoman said.
Cross did not return messages seeking comment on Wednesday.
Clay, in a statement provided by his spokesman, described Cross as 鈥渁 long-time Democratic vendor who performs campaign work for many elected officials.鈥 Clay added: 鈥淚 have no knowledge of, or any involvement with, any relationship he may have had with Mr. Stenger or 51黑料 County Government.鈥
Clay endorsed Stenger in October 2014. It was a major coup for the Stenger campaign as they faced a hostile coalition of north 51黑料 County Democratic groups publicly supporting Republican Rick Stream in the November 2014 county executive election 鈥 backlash for Stenger鈥檚 defeat of incumbent Charlie Dooley in the Democratic primary and his alliance with former 51黑料 County Prosecutor Bob McCulloch.
Clay鈥檚 leadership political action committee, Just Permanent Interests, has paid Cross and a firm registered to him, People鈥檚 Strategies LLC, at least $27,500 since 2015 for canvassing and other efforts. Often Clay鈥檚 PAC pays Cross on behalf of other candidates, such as members of the 51黑料 Board of Aldermen, and last year, for the August referendum on a measure to overturn the state鈥檚 鈥渞ight to work鈥 law.
Cross previously worked as politics director for the 51黑料 chapter of the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now (ACORN) and as political director for Local 2000 of the Service Employees International Union. He currently sits on the board of an organization called Metropolitan Organizations Strengthening and Empowering Society. The group, known as MOSES, is headed by the Rev. Ronald Bobo, a politically influential minister and ally of Clay鈥檚. Stenger appointed Bobo to the board of the Metropolitan 51黑料 Sewer District in 2016.
Another Clay associate was among six county appointees whom the U.S. Attorney identified in a subpoena issued in March, requesting their personnel records. Lou Aboussie, a former special assistant to Clay, was hired by the Stenger administration in April 2015 at Justice Services and later moved to the parks department.
A Clay spokesman did not respond to a follow-up question about whether the congressman had asked Stenger to hire Aboussie.
鈥楶补测产补肠办鈥
Rallo鈥檚 dealings with the Partnership, which staffed the Port Authority, and his campaign contributions to Stenger feature prominently in the federal indictment, particularly the sham marketing contract awarded to Rallo鈥檚 Cardinal Creative at Stenger鈥檚 direction. Port Authority board members and former Partnership CEO Sheila Sweeney declined last year to explain to the Post-Dispatch why Rallo鈥檚 firm was paid $130,000 despite the board鈥檚 approval of his $100,000 bid.
The indictment, however, spells out the reason: 鈥淪weeney had added the additional $30,000 to the consulting contract because Stenger had directed her to give a job or a contract to an individual, JC. JC was a close associate of a public official who had helped Stenger get out the vote in the November, 2014 County Executive election, and Stenger鈥檚 direction to hire JC or give JC a contract was payback for that.鈥
According to the indictment, Sweeney told Rallo 鈥 who did not know Cross 鈥 to pay Cross the extra $30,000 with the understanding that Cross would not do any actual work under the contract. Ultimately, Rallo paid Cross $25,000, according to the indictment 鈥 $5,000 less than Sweeney directed him to pay 鈥 and neither he nor Cross ever ended up doing any actual work under the contract. The indictment does not explain what happened to the remaining $5,000.
The $30,000 increase to the Rallo contract in April 2016 came after a person identified in the indictment only as 鈥渁ttorney SS鈥 asked Stenger about Cross. That attorney, sources say, is Steve Stone, a longtime donor to Democratic politicians and who is close to both Clay and Stenger.
Just Permanent Interests, Clay鈥檚 leadership PAC, lists as its address Stone鈥檚 law firm, Stone, Leyton & Gershman. One of the firm鈥檚 attorneys 鈥 former Clay chief of staff Darryl Piggee 鈥 is the treasurer of the PAC.
Stone and Piggee also are attorneys for Paul McKee, whose development firm, NorthSide Regeneration, controls hundreds of acres of north 51黑料 real estate. McKee received public support from Clay last year when City Hall was about to terminate his development rights.
In an April 4 letter from Assistant U.S. Attorney Hal Goldsmith asking the county to prioritize its production of contracts under the March subpoena, NorthSide Regeneration is among the companies listed. It鈥檚 unclear whether NorthSide has any contracts with the county.
Stone did not respond to several requests for comment.
鈥榁ery disrespectful鈥
In April 2016, Cross texted former Stenger aide Shannon Weber, a longtime union political operative who left the administration to take a job at the 51黑料 Kansas City Carpenters Regional Council.
鈥淚 am in DC for a conference and spent the last two nights with [public official] and DP,鈥 the text said, according to the indictment. 鈥淏oth of them asked me a couple of times what happened to our conversations from December. I said nothing ever happened 鈥 it鈥檚 totally rude and disrespectful. When Stenger asked [public official] for help, all of us were there for him, so you know.鈥
The 鈥淒P鈥 in the text is Piggee, Clay鈥檚 longtime chief of staff. Piggee told the Post-Dispatch that he was close to Cross but that he didn鈥檛 鈥渢hink I鈥檓 involved in it too much.鈥
鈥淚 really don鈥檛 think much of it, but it鈥檚 better not to comment,鈥 he said. 鈥淲hen I think of things I鈥檓 worried about today, this ain鈥檛 one of them.鈥
Weber forwarded the text to Stenger and his top aide, Jeff Wagener: 鈥淚 have a plan. :)鈥 she wrote.
A month letter, Stenger texted Wagener, also a board member of the Partnership, telling him 鈥渁ttorney SS is asking about鈥 John Cross.
鈥淚 am working with Sheila (Sweeney) and we are putting together a contract through the Port authority,鈥 Wagener texted Stenger and Stone.
The Port Authority Board approved the Rallo contract in May 2016.
Stone is a major donor to Democratic groups in Missouri, contributing $30,000 in 2016 alone through University Square Company, a real estate company he manages. Stone has also been a big donor to Clay over the years. Stone and University Square gave Clay鈥檚 election fund at least a combined $11,000 from 2010 through 2017.
In 2015 Stone gave $5,000 to Clay鈥檚 Leadership PAC. Clay鈥檚 PAC paid Stone Leyton & Gershman $19,500 in 鈥渓egal fees鈥 related to the Ferguson municipal election.
Stone was even more generous to Stenger, who did not have the constraints of federal campaign donation limits. He personally gave $11,750 to Stenger鈥檚 campaign chest in the 2018 cycle, including a couple thousand dollars in 鈥渋n-kind鈥 contributions, meaning free services. Joe Bannister, a former Partnership employee who was close with Sweeney, previously told the Post-Dispatch that Stenger would sometimes make campaign calls from Stone鈥檚 office, which is in the same Clayton office building as the Partnership鈥檚 offices.
University Square gave $30,500 to Stenger that election cycle.
Stone, Leyton & Gershman was also hired by the 51黑料 County Port Authority under Stenger, with a contract worth up to $125,000, for work related to several valuable county-owned properties in Clayton.
Scott Rosenblum, Stenger鈥檚 attorney, said his client 鈥渨ill not be commenting.鈥
Chuck Raasch of the Post-Dispatch contributed to this report.
Editor's note:听University Square gave $30,500 to Stenger that election cycle. An earlier version of this story had a smaller amount.
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